The case study projects demonstrate similar green philosophies and similar social components. The selected projects illustrate that for their survival and support, urban agricultural activities need to develop a political position and organizational effectiveness. Despite focused and active urban agricultural activity with a variety of partnerships occurring in Winnipeg, the city does not yet have a cohesive urban agricultural movement through which it could be more effective in developing funding and general support.
The ability of community organizations to achieve long-term viability is often vulnerable due to insubstantial funding at the mercy of a given political agenda. Often funding is secured on a project-to-project basis. Volunteer contributions enable many programs to function. West Broadway Gardening Group depends on in-kind donations and volunteer labour to organize events and attend to administrative tasks. For greater economic viability, mixing revenue-generating activities within programs is being considered by more community-based groups who see responsible businesses as logical financial partners. Many urban agricultural organizations are involved with coalitions and networks, often taking part in co-operative projects established by public-private partnerships on national and local levels. As illustrated by GPI and CIER, many grass root groups, farmers' associations, community-based organizations, non-governmental organizations, universities and the business community work with local and national government. Manitoba Hydro Allotment Gardens have no formal economic partnerships except land provision which has certain and assured tenure. They operate the gardens on the basis of a modest, annual leasing fee paid to Manitoba Hydro.
POLITICAL BOSSES AND MACHINES IN THE U.S.
The necessity of redesigning civic institutions and practices to suit city life triggered enduring disagreements centered on what came to be called machine politics. Featuring plebian leadership, a sharp masculinity, party discipline, and frank acknowledgment of social differences, this new political formula first arose in eastern cities during the mid-nineteenth century and became a subject of national discussion after the Civil War. During the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, business leaders, workers, and women proposed alternative understandings of how urban democracy might work. Some tried to create venues for deliberation that built common ground among citizens of all classes, faiths, ethnicities, and political persuasions. But accommodating such differences proved difficult, and a vision of politics as the businesslike management of a contentious modern society took precedence. As Connolly makes clear, machine politics offered at best a quasi-democratic way to organize urban public life. Where unity proved elusive, machine politics provided a viable, if imperfect, alternative.