History of the Conflict - Eastern Congo Initiative

Post-genocide Rwanda faces massive challenges with regards to the justice process. Not only was the judicial system in tatters both physically and in terms of human resources, but there were hundreds of thousands of potential suspects who had participated to a greater or lesser extent in the genocide. Today, over 100.000 alleged perpetrators of genocide languish in overcrowded prisons. To deal with this problem, a system has been devised to classify offenders. The most serious crimes for organizers and planners of genocide are being tried by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which was set up in Arusha, Tanzania, in 1994.

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Speaker, Ispoke on February 9, 1999, to remark that it was essential that we act to help stop theescalation of the crisis in the Horn of Africa, and particularly the Ethiopia-Eritreanwar, if the region was not to slide further into chaos.

Rwanda: How the genocide happened - BBC News

On the facing page, Ethiopians will be pleased to read, in Amharic, ascholarly description of the origins of the name.

The terrain is punctuated by hills and valleys, and most rural people prefer to live close to their fields rather than in village communities. The term 'hill' (umusozi) is as much social as geographical. In a region without natural 'villages', the hill is the first layer of belonging and identity, as well as being the most basic unit of government. Inherited rights to land are usually tied to the hill of one's ancestors. Internal mobility for rural people is therefore risky and expensive in material terms. Added to this are the difficulties inherent in becoming a 'stranger' on another hill, without kinship ties and other forms of protection. This is why both the perpetrators and the victims of the Rwandan genocide had to return to live together afterwards. This daily cohabitation of survivor and killer seems to be unique in the history of genocide. The ensuing emotional atmosphere of fear, guilt, anger, and remembrance is one of the most important factors in post-genocide Rwandan politics, and it is a situation which no other country or people has ever had to confront on such a scale.

Schindler's List - Topics: Biography; World/WWII

As a result of this, and the failure ofdiplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis, the Congressional leadership again expressedconcern over the situation, resulting in a second major policy statement by CongressmanSaxton on February 23.

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The Great Lakes region comprises the mountainous 'interlacustrine' areas that include Rwanda, Burundi, the Kivu region of Congo, and south-western Uganda. Land is used intensively throughout the Great Lakes region, and it supports both agriculture (particularly bananas, sorghum, and millet) and animal keeping (mostly cows and goats). Protected parks are virtually the only land that is not used by humans. This is due to the region's population density, the highest in Africa. Population pressures have in fact frequently been assumed as a 'cause' of violence, particularly for Rwanda. This factor has probably been exaggerated. Rwanda has about the same population density (about 325 people per square kilometre) as the Philippines or Israel, and less than that of Bangladesh. But Rwanda's and Burundi's geography does shape patterns of forced migration, because in a crisis there is hardly anywhere to hide. There is very little 'bush' or uninhabited land. This is one of the reasons why the killing during the genocide was so efficient. The only real option open to an asylum-seeker is to cross a border to a neighbouring country.

The First Edition of the New Negarit - The Crown …

Having sponsored the eviction of the United Statesfrom Somalia, Khartoum is now trying to capitalize on the crisis in the Horn of Africa inorder to evict the United States from the rest of this strategically critical area.

The First Edition of the New Negarit

Nearly every introductory source on Rwanda and Burundi begins by remarking that their society 'is composed of Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa'. Percentages are then given: 85 per cent Hutu, 13 per cent Tutsi, and 2 per cent Twa - figures which have remained unchanged since the first Belgian census in the 1920s. This deceptively precise accounting is misleading. These labels are variously described as tribes, ethnicities, castes, races, communities, or simply groups. None of the first four is remotely satisfactory, and the latter two are just hand-waving. These social concepts are indeed crucial for understanding the violent history of the Great Lakes region, but they have been 'fetishized' to the exclusion of other politically relevant social categories, such as regional origin and clan membership. There is also a tendency to reify the concepts, and fail to take stock of how their meanings have changed over time.