On a more analytical plateau, all these disparate processes ofrationalization can be surmised as increasing knowledge, growingimpersonality, and enhanced control [Brubaker 1991, 32–35].First, knowledge. Rational action in one very general sensepresupposes knowledge. It requires some knowledge of the ideationaland material circumstances in which our action is embedded, since toact rationally is to act on the basis of conscious reflection aboutthe probable consequences of action. As such, the knowledge thatunderpins a rational action is of a causal nature conceived in termsof means-ends relationships, aspiring towards a systematic, logicallyinterconnected whole. Modern scientific and technological knowledge isa culmination of this process that Weber called intellectualization,in the course of which, the germinating grounds of human knowledge inthe past, such as religion, theology, and metaphysics, were slowlypushed back to the realm of the superstitious, mystical, or simplyirrational. It is only in modern Western civilization, according toWeber, that this gradual process of disenchantment(Entzauberung) has reached its radical conclusion.
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Karl Marx and Max Weber Essay Sample - Bla Bla Writing
From this allegedly realistic premise, Weber famously moved on toidentify three ideal types of legitimate domination based on,respectively, tradition, charisma, and legal rationality. Roughly, thefirst type of legitimacy claim depends on how persuasively the leadersprove their charismatic qualities, for which they receive personaldevotions and emotive followings from the ruled. The second kind ofclaim can be made successfully when certain practice, custom, andmores are institutionalized to (re)produce a stable pattern ofdomination over a long duration of time. In sharp contrast to thesecrucial dependences on personality traits and the passage of time, thethird type of authority is unfettered by time, place, and other formsof contingency as it derives its legitimacy from adherence toimpersonal rules and universal principles that can only be found bysuitable legal-rational reasoning. Weber’s fame and influence asa political thinker are built most critically upon this typology andthe ways in which those ideal types are deployed in his politicalsociology – or, more literally, sociology of domination(Herrschaftssoziologie).
Philosophical Dictionary: Warheit-West
from max weber essays in sociology ebook Sociology is unlike Public Administration in the sense it needs from max weber essays in sociology ebook a holistic understanding and from max weber essays in sociology ebook is not to be read linearly which is true of.
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In contrast to the believer is the artist. (I am referring here, of course, to ideal types, in the manner of the great German social scientist, Max Weber.) The artist is an exemplar of courage. Creativity requires a boldness and fortitude that can be fruitfully applied to everyday living. The artist must have a scientific rationalityin the sense of using experimentation to discoverotherwise, his work will be insipid or trite. This rationality brings one, also, to a new manner of living in the moment. It engenders a skepticism that reduces the shrill hysteria of these henchmen of the Spectacle to background hiss. Thus, one can concentrate on the humanizing qualities of beauty and pleasure. In this way, true morality is possible.
Summary of Max Weber: The city – Atul Kulkarni's Blog
Max Weber begins his famous book, , by noting the different economic performance of Protestant and Catholic communities throughout Europe and America, summed up in the proverb that Protestants eat well while Catholics sleep well. Weber notes that according to any economic theory that posited man as a rational profit-maximizer, raising the piece-work rate should increase labor productivity. But in fact, in many traditional peasant communities, raising the piece-work rate actually had the opposite effect of labor productivity: at the higher rate, a peasant accustomed to earning two and one-half marks per day found he could earn the same amount by working less, and did so because he valued leisure more than income. The choices of leisure over income, or of the militaristic life of the Spartan hoplite over the wealth of the Athenian trader, or even the ascetic life of the early capitalist entrepreneur over that of a traditional leisured aristocrat, cannot possibly be explained by the impersonal working of material forces, but come preeminently out of the sphere of consciousness - what we have labeled here broadly as ideology. And indeed, a central theme of Weber's work was to prove that contrary to Marx, the material mode of production, far from being the "base," was itself a "superstructure" with roots in religion and culture, and that to understand the emergence of modern capitalism and the profit motive one had to study their antecedents in the realm of the spirit.