The third school of thought regarding the ontology of race isracial population naturalism. This camp suggests that,although racial naturalism falsely attributed cultural, mental, andphysical characters to discrete racial groups, it is possible thatgenetically significant biological groupings could exist that wouldmerit the term races. Importantly, these biological racial groupingswould not be essentialist or discrete: there is no set of genetic orother biological traits that all and only all members of a racial groupshare that would then provide a natural biological boundary betweenracial groups. Thus, these thinkers confirm the strong scientificconsensus that discrete, essentialist races do not exist. However, thecriteria of discreteness and essentialism would also invalidatedistinctions between non-human species, such as lions and tigers. AsPhilip Kitcher puts it, “there is no…geneticfeature…that separates one species of mosquito or mushroom fromanother” (Kitcher 2007, 294–6; Cf. Mallon 2007, 146–168). Rather,biological species are differentiated by reproductive isolation, whichis relative, not absolute (since hybrids sometimes appear in nature);which may have non-genetic causes (e.g., geographic separation andincompatible reproduction periods or rituals); which may generatestatistically significant if not uniform genetic differences; and whichmay express distinct phenotypes. In effect, if the failure to satisfythe condition of discreteness and essentialism requires jettisoning theconcept of race, then it also requires jettisoning the concept ofbiological species. But because the biological species concept remainsepistemologically useful, some biologists and philosophers use it todefend a racial ontology that is “biologically informed butnon-essentialist,” one that is vague, non-discrete, and relatedto genetics, genealogy, geography, and phenotype (Sesardic 2010,146).
This paper presents income shares, income inequality, and income immobility measures for all race and ethnic groups in the United States using the universe of U.S. tax returns matched at the individual level to U.S. Census race data for 2000–2014. Whites and Asians have a disproportionately large share of income in top quantiles. Income for most race groups ranges between 50–80 percent of the corresponding White income level consistently across various percentiles in the overall income distribution—suggesting that class alone cannot explain away overall income differences. The rate of income growth at the 90th percentile exceeds that of the 50th and 10th percentiles for all race and ethnic groups; divergence is largest for Whites, however, in the post-Great Recession era. Income immobility is largest for the highest-income races. Overall, these results paint a picture of a rigid income structure by race and ethnicity over time.
Race/Ethnicity Category - The Unz Review
In Section II, I will trace the historical origins and development ofthe concept of race. Section III covers contemporary philosophicaldebates over whether races actually exist. Thereafter, in section IV Iwill examine the differences between race and ethnicity. Finally, inSection V I will survey debates among moral, political and legalphilosophers over the validity of racial identity, racial solidarity,and race-specific policies such as affirmative action and race-basedrepresentation.
The specific problem is: repetition, organisation, coherence
The apogee of post-Darwinian race-thinking was arguably reached in thebook The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century by HoustonStewart Chamberlain (1855–1927), the son-in-law of German operacomposer Richard Wagner. Chamberlain argued in the evolutionary termsof sexual selection that distinct races emerged through geographicaland historical conditions which create inbreeding among certainindividuals with similar traits (Hannaford 1996, 351). Moving from thisinitial specification, Chamberlain then argued that the key strands ofwestern civilization—Christianity and ancient Greek philosophy andart—emerged from the Aryan race. Jesus, for instance, was heldto be of Aryan stock, despite his Jewish religion, since the territoryof Galilee was populated by peoples descended from Aryan Phonecians aswell as by Semitic Jews. Similarly, Aristotle’s distinctionbetween Greeks and Barbarians was reinterpreted as a racial distinctionbetween Aryans and non-Aryans. These Greek and Christian strands becameunited in Europe, particularly during the Reformation, which allowedthe highest, Teutonic strain of the Aryan race to be freed fromconstraining Roman Catholic cultural fetters. But while Romaninstitutions and practices may have constrained the Teutonic Germans,their diametric opposite was the Jew, the highest manifestation of theSemitic Race. The European religious tensions between Christian and Jewwere thus transformed into racial conflicts, for which conversion orecumenical tolerance would have no healing effect. Chamberlain’swritings, not surprisingly, have come to be seen as some of the keyintellectual foundations for twentieth century German anti-Semitism, ofwhich Adolf Hitler was simply its most extreme manifestation.
inequality - United Nations Sustainable Development
A robust philosophical debate has emerged regarding the status ofHispanic or Latino identity. Jorge Gracia (2000) defends the utilityof Hispanic ethnic identity as grounded primarily in the shared,linguistic culture that can be traced to the Iberian peninsula. JorgeGarcia (2001, 2006) challenges this approach, arguing that thediversity of individual experiences undermines the use of Hispanicethnicity as a meaningful form of collective identity. Linda MartinAlcoff (2006) develops a “realist” defense of Latino identity againstcharges of essentialism and views it as a category of solidarity thatdevelops in reaction to white privilege. Christina Beltran (2010), onthe other hand, does not try to paper over the diversitywithin Latinidad, which she instead portrays as apluralistic, fragmented, and agonistic for of political action.