And I believe that if the members of deliberativebodies were to observe this course generally, they would do in a daywhat takes them a week, and it is really more questionable, than mayat first be thought, whether Bonaparte's dumb legislature which saidnothing and did much, may not be preferable to one which talks muchand does nothing.
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For example. If the system be established on basis of Income, and his just proportion on that scale has been already drawn from every one, to step into the field of Consumption, and tax special articles in that, as broadcloth or homespun, wine or whiskey, a coach or a wagon, is doubly taxing the same article. For that portion of Income with which these articles are purchased, having already paid its tax as Income, to pay another tax on the thing it purchased, is paying twice for the same thing; it is an aggrievance on the citizens who use these articles in exoneration of those who do not, contrary to the most sacred of the duties of a government, to do equal and impartial justice to all its citizens.
Thomas Jefferson and the Declaration of Independence
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The negotiationstherefore begun with Denmark & Tuscany we protracted designedly untilour powers had expired; and abstained from making new propositions toothers having no colonies; because our commerce being an exchange ofraw for wrought materials, is a competent price for admission intothe colonies of those possessing them: but were we to give it,without price, to others, all would claim it without price on theordinary ground of gentis amicissimae.
George Washington, Thomas Jefferson & Slavery in …
It is not vague, nor is it "open to interpretation." The dissent over gun control is between "useful idiots,"along with those who are fueled by hope for a nanny dictatorship, against American citizens trying to keep America free.
As to Pablo, Ciudad Juarez, Anonymous, "scholars agree with (you)." No, they don't.
Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: The Search for …
This is what might be said, and would probably produce a speedy, more perfect and more permanent form of government. At all events, I hope you will not be discouraged from making other trials, if the present one should fail. We are never permitted to despair of the commonwealth. I have thus told you freely what I like, and what I dislike, merely as a matter of curiosity; for I know it is not in my power to offer matter of information to your judgment, which has been formed after hearing and weighing everything which the wisdom of man could offer on these subjects. I own, I am not a friend to a very energetic government. It is always oppressive. It places the governors indeed more at their ease, at the expense of the people. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has given more alarm, than I think it should have done. Calculate that one rebellion in thirteen States in the course of eleven years, is but one for each State . Nor will any degree of power in the hands of government, prevent insurrections. In England, where the hand of power is heavier than with us, there are seldom half a dozen years without an insurrection. In France, where it is still heavier, but less despotic, as Montesquieu supposes, than in some other countries, and where there are always two or three hundred thousand men ready to crush insurrections, there have been three in the course of the three years I have been here, in every one of which greater numbers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a great deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole nod of the despot is death, insurrections are the events of every day. Compare again the ferocious depredations of their insurgents, with the order, the moderation and the almost self-extinguishment of ours. And say, finally, whether peace is best preserved by giving energy to the government, or information to the people. This last is the most certain, and the most legitimate engine of government. Educate and inform the whole mass of the people. Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and order, and they will preserve them. And it requires no very high degree of education to convince them of this. They are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. After all, it is my principle that the will of the majority should prevail. If they approve the proposed constitution in all its parts, I shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes they will amend it, whenever they shall find it works wrong. This reliance cannot deceive us, , and go to eating one another as they do there. I have tired you by this time with disquisitions which you have already heard repeated by others a thousand and a thousand times; and therefore, shall only add assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
Thomas Jefferson on taxes - Political Economy
The vote beingpassed, altho' further observn on it was out of order, he could notrefrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction and concluded bysaying "there is but one word, Mr.