By the mid-1960s, the Freedom Movement is expanding its focus beyond segregation and voting rights to address issues of economic justice, poverty, political power, colonialism, war, and the draft.
There's a groundswell of support for his new war in Vietnam and in addition he basks in public acclaim for his parallel declarations of support for civil rights and a war against poverty.
National Civil Rights Museum | At the Lorraine Motel
The following day, Wednesday, January 20, applicants and supporters march to the courthouse in three sequential waves, each one carefully broken into small groups to conform to Baker's decree forbidding "parades." They insist on using the Alabama Street entrance and are all arrested by Jim Clark. Among them is Rev. L.L. Anderson of Tabernacle Baptist, the first minister to open his church for civil rights activity back in . By the end of this third day, some 225 have been incarcerated. A sheriff's deputy cracks wise, ""
OHCHR | International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
Some Movement activists and leaders have begun to speak out against the war and draft as , but in the summer of 1965 no major civil rights organization has yet taken an official anti-war, anti-draft stand .
King wins the Nobel Peace Prize
Whenever possible, Freedom Movement arestees are kept segregated from the regular prisoners so as not to contaminate the inmates with dangerous ideas such as speedy-trials, right to an attorney, racially-unbiased justice, and other such "subversive" notions. The main exception to this rule is that white civil rights workers are sometimes locked in with white prisoners who are encouraged by the guards to show these "race traitors" the error of their ways with a thorough beating. For their part, the deputies — all white, of course — inflict their own physical abuse on "uppity" Blacks who are rebelling against the sacred "southern way of life."
Malcolm X was a civil rights activist in the Black Power Movement, ..
As a journalist, professional writer, and sometime college professor, as well as a veteran of the civil rights movement, I have the advantage of having my feet in scholarship as well as in activist experience and sensibility. And so, although in the preceding pages I have paid attention to and the works of historians based in the academy, much of the “scholarly” material drawn on by this book is the thinking articulated by people whose minds and actions generated social challenge and social change. These activists rarely wrote down their thoughts and analyses of the movement they fashioned, nor are their thoughts and analyses given much respectful prominence in academic and mainstream media discussions. But their reflections are as authoritative as the interpretive assumptions found in refereed or peer-reviewed scholarship.
The Forgotten Power of the Vietnam Peace Movement
On Saturday, March 6th, a new kind of civil rights march — a white march — takes place in Selma. Led by Rev. Joseph Ellwanger of Birmingham, 70 members of Concerned White Citizens of Alabama from all over the state assemble at the Dallas County courthouse in support of Black voting rights. Largely organized by women from the Alabama Human Relations Council, they are mostly college professors, ministers, Unitarians, researchers from the Huntsville rocket lab, and their wives. They are not the only outsiders coming into Selma — Klansmen and other arch-segregationists armed with ax-handles, iron pipes and steel chains have been drawn by anticipation of a violent confrontation with marching Blacks on the morrow. Along with some of Clark's possemen, they harass and menace the pro-civil rights whites. Just before violence breaks out, Selma Police Chief Wilson Baker manages to extricate Ellwanger's group to safety.