What is sometimes missing in these accounts is an acknowledgment of the complexity of social and political change in Ireland during this period. Although the relationship between the metropolitan centre and the colonised island of Ireland entailed various degrees of exploitation and oppression over the ensuing centuries, it would be too simple to describe these relationships as linear and one-dimensional. Plantation (a term which described the piece by piece colonization of the island in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries) took place in different historical phases involving often contradictory social, economic and political factors. What emerged from these experiences are what Foster (1988) describes as ‘varieties of Irishness’ in which planter (colonizer) and gael (colonized), at various periods in history, both clashed and co-existed. It was, however, the particular character of the plantation in the province of Ulster in the northeast, which created the conditions for the sectarian violence and inter communal violence of the Troubles in the twentieth century (Bew et al 1995; McVeigh 1997).
These conditions partly account for the levels of social and political violence and failure of the political system which characterized the state for the next fifty years. For example in the early 1920s 428 people lost their lives in a spate of sectarian violence; two thirds of these were Catholics (McKittrick and McVea 2001:4). In response to perceived insurgencies by nationalists and republicans, draconian laws were sometimes used to detain suspects without trial and some aspects of policing was carried out using paramilitary methods. Meanwhile republican paramilitaries continued to carry out sporadic campaigns of violence against the state and members of the security forces. Throughout the following fifty years only one party – the Unionist Party which represented the majority population of Protestants – formed governments, effectively excluding Catholic nationalists from power. Simplistic notions of national identity, religious affiliation and ethnic difference cannot, however, fully explain the history of the political conflict in Northern Ireland. In particular the issue of class as an explanatory concept has often been disregarded in such analyses (Farrell 1992; Bew et al 1995).
Zambia Political Violence and The Hell of Political Cadres
Many Nigerians argue that the real reason for the violence isn't ethnic or religious differences but the scramble for land, scarce resources and political clout. Poverty, joblessness and corrupt politics drive extremists from both sides to commit horrendous atrocities. Although the nation rakes in billions of dollars in oil revenue annually, the majority of Nigerians scrape by on less than a dollar a day. In Plateau State, where Jos is located, Muslim cattle herders from the north and Christian farmers from the south vie for control of the fertile plains.
Causes of Terrorism | Hand of Reason
The study also found that committing partner violence is strongly linked to cohabitation at a young age; a variety of mental illnesses; a background of family adversity; dropping out of school; juvenile aggression; conviction for other types of crime, especially violent crime; drug abuse; long-term unemployment; and parenthood at a young age.
What are the Causes of Poverty? | The Borgen Project
The momentum for these changes in social work training and practice has, at least partly, been created by a period of conflict resolution which dates back to the late 1980s, culminating in paramilitary cease-fires in 1994 and the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Nearly a decade later the signs are that a locally devolved power sharing administration will practically and symbolically demonstrate reparation between the parties to the conflict, and social workers can have a part to play in the healing process. In recent years the increased interest by politicians and communities in seeking ways to help those most traumatized by political violence has challenged social workers to find new ways of helping individuals and communities. This is a critical issue which faces many societies who have experienced such conflict and are in transitions to more peaceful circumstances (Hamber and Wilson 2002). Campbell and McCrystal (2005) in their survey of mental health social workers’ experiences of the Troubles found that that practitioners, as well as their clients, had experienced a range of traumatic incidents, but that they had not been well supported through supervision and training to deal with such incidents. On the other hand most felt that they had appropriate skills to deal with the aftermath of traumatic events.