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While Blacks have deep and bitter knowledge about denial of voting rights, it is only in the aftermath of Freedom Summer, the lynching of , and the that awareness of this as a national issue has begun to slowly emerge among white northerners. (And there is little appreciation that similar issues apply to Latinos in the Southwest, and Native Americans in many areas.)

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Some of the Black voter applicants turn to see what is going on. Sheriff Clark strides down the sidewalk forcing them back into line. One of them is Annie Lee Cooper (54) who, along with a co-worker, was fired from her job at Dunn's Rest Home after they tried to register back in October of 1963. When their boss not only terminated them but subjected them to insult and physical abuse, 38 of their fellow workers — Black women all — walked off the job in protest. They too were fired and their photos circulated among potential white employers. Now, 15 months later, most remain unemployed. Clark twists Cooper's arm and shoves her hard; she hauls off and slugs him with her fist. He is driven to his knees and she hits him again. Mrs. Cooper later recalled:

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Despite the restrictions andrepression, the Illinois black population continued to grow slowly.

SELMA: On Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, SCLC and local leaders work long into the night preparing for the march. Anticipation runs high in Selma and the Black Belt counties. Freedom Movement supporters from all over America begin flowing into Montgomery and Selma by plane, bus, and car. Some come from as far away as Hawaii. Contingents arrive from voting rights battlegrounds in Florida, Mississippi, Lousisiana, Georgia, Tennessee, Arkansas, the Carolinas, Virginia and Maryland. They bring with them memories of their own struggles and suffering, and martyrs like , , , contingents arrive from voting rights battlegrounds in Florida, Mississippi, Lousisiana, Georgia, Tennessee, Arkansas, the Carolinas, Virginia and Maryland.

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The mass meeting is a huge success, some 700 Black citizens from Selma, Dallas County, and the surrounding Black Belt fill Brown Chapel to overflowing. They are determined to defy the injunction, determined to be free. Also in the audience are numerous reporters and both state and local cops. Clark is not yet back from Miami and no effort is made to enforce the injunction. Dr. King tells them:

1965: Selma & the March to Montgomery - CRM Vet

But thedarkness of the 18th century has goneby, and we live in the 19th, and in aRepublic, too, wherin [sic] menunderstand the principles of government, and a man is regarded as a manwhether his face be black or white.There were others who shared Jones'sviews among both races.

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If the Daily News' coverage of civil rights news was blatantly segregationist, its coverage ofblacks in other arenas showed a similar segregationist bent that was, at least, more subtle. Mostly, theDaily News just ignored the black community. Blacks were seldom seen or heard in the news columns,unless they committed a crime.

Messenger Local News | Messenger Newspapers …

The Daily News, which consistently ran page-one articles about honors given local whiteschoolchildren at area junior and senior high schools, did not honor black schoolchildren with similarcoverage in these spreads. Society pages pictured pages upon pages of white brides, but no blacks.

17/02/2018 · Leo Hohmann is a news editor for WND

Two days before Meredith's arrival at Ole Miss on Sunday, September 30, 1962, the Daily Newsprovided its readers a musical anthem of the state's determination. Words and music to the "The Never,No Never Song" ran in place of the usual cartoon on the editorial page. An editorial said the songexpertly put the state's attitude to music and suggested that readers clip it for a possible mass renditionat the Ole Miss-University of Kentucky football game the following day. The song, an ode tosegregation, declared that, at Ole Miss, "Never, never, never, shall our emblem go from Colonel Reb toOle Black Joe."